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ARKAMANI Sudan Electronic Journal of Archaeology and Anthropology |
PREHISTORIC RESEARCH IN THE SOUTHERN LIBYAN DESERT A BRIEF ACCOUNT AND SOME CONCLUSIONS OF THE B.O.S. PROJECT
Rudolf Kuper
In: Actes de la VIIIe Conference Internationale des
Etudes Nubiennes (Lille 11.-17.9.1994).
Cripel 17,
Introduction
Having been asked to present a survey of the achievements in the archaeology of
Sudan's Western Desert, with regard to the motto of this conference ,<< Nubia
Thirty Years Later >> the title of this paper could perhaps simply be B.O.S. Ten Years Later, giving just
another summary of our research in this area. Yet instead of only repeating
what has been written elsewhere I would like to discuss here a few preliminary
conclusions and to focus on some cross cultural relations, especially between
the
When the B.O.S. (Besiedlungsgeschichte
der Ost-Sahara) project started its work in 1980 (Kuper 1981
; 1989) almost no systematic prehistoric
research had been carried out in the far west of
In addition to this we owe our knowledge of the palaeoecology of the Libyan Desert mainly to Vance Haynes and his associates (Haynes 1987) and to the painstaking analysis of the charcoal samples of the B.O.S. missions by Katharina Neumann, who was able to demonstrate a shift of the Sahelian vegetation between 7000 and 6500 BP for at least 500 km northward up to southern Egypt
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and another, less far reaching movement around 5700 BP (Neumann 1989 a, b). In spite of some of her arguments having been revised by herself recently (Neumann 1993, 59f.) the main outline of the reconstruction still provides a valuable framework for the understanding of possible cultural contacts as well as of the constraints and chances for man's economical adaptation to an environment, which never has been pleasant.
Unfortunately,
due to the mostly poor conditions for the preservation of botanical and zoological
remains - especially from the earlier periods - our knowlege of the
subsistence strategies of prehistoric people is very limited. Consequently, in
most cases it is rather problematic to call a site « neolithic » in the economic
meaning of the term, in spite of the fact that the chronological framework
that has been established by the CPE for the Nabta/Kiseiba area in Egypt with
its divisions of Early-, Middle- and Late-
(Wendorf - Schild 1984, 7f.) as a
time scale seems to be also applicable to the larger part of the Libyan Desert. |
The vegetation zones of |
Fred Wendorf
himself has set the sign post out of the dilemma when in his compilation of the
Nubian campaign he created the tem ,'Ceramic Age ' which follows the Nubian
Final Stone Age
(Wendorf 1968, 1042, fig. 1). This is not the
place to plunge into the discussion about the (non) adequacy of the term «
Neolithic » in Northern Africa
(Klees 1993)
and Africa as a whole
(Sinclair
et
al. 1993), but in general it seems more practical to
define the stages on an archaeological time scale for a certain region by
elementary archaeological features (such as stone, ceramic, bronze, iron) instead
of secondary derived economic evidence, which is seldom available and often
doubtful. Since the proofs for early ceramics are much more widespread than
those for early holocene pastoralism and thus also much better suitable to
establish a wide range comparative chronology why not use the term « Ceramic
» respectively "Keramikum" as already proposed by Richard
Pittioni with regard to the special situation in Africa and the Near East more
than 40 years ago
(Pittioni 1950)?
Already then he
had included « Early Khartoum » in his concept, so that this group also needs
not be labelled with the unsuitable term "Mesolithic", that has been created
especially for the cultural and environmental adaptation to the early Holocene
in Northern Europe.
With this
terminology one achieves to subdivide a table featuring the more than 500
radiocarbon dates available from
B. O. S. Research Areas
Generally the
B.O.S.project was designed along a transect from the Mediterranean down to the
Sahel zone
(Fig. 1),
connecting the
area of winter rains with that of tropical summer rains and thus enabling a
comparison of the different ways of human adaptation to the changing local environments
(Kuper 1981 ; 1989).
Recently, Angela Close has published a synopsis of the holocene occupation of the
The general
appearance of the Selima Sandsheet is that of a featureless flat sand plain,
only interrupted by a few dune fields and some rocky outcrops. Extending to
about 300 km in diameter it encompasses the border between
The
southern limits of the Selima Sandsheet are marked by significant topographical
features, not to be found on the available maps and mainlw unknown until
satellite imagery was at hand: the high escarp north of the well of Laqiya
Arbair.
(Kuper 1986a,
Fig.
2) and a few
tectonically induced wadi-like depressions further west which have been named by
Vance Haynes WadiShaw and Wadi Sahal
(Schuck 1988, Abb.l). In
its southwestern part Wadi Shaw shows a basinshaped widening, where already in
1935 W.B.K. Shaw had discovered an extended archaeological
site close to his camp 49. The area became the centre
of our survey and excavation activities during the years 1982 and 198:i which
allowed to reconstruct a sequence of settlement over more than 5000 years up
to the times of the Middle Kingdom in
There is a
distance of more than 300 km to the southernmost research area, the Wadi Howar.
Already the Frobenius expedition in 1933 had recorded the enormous
archaeological potential of the region and collected some pottery samples
(Rhotert 1952, 2f. ;
Holscher 1955, Abb. 5-I1). These
were later
a
main reason
to argue for an origin of the Nubian C-Group in this region
(Bietak 1968, 143).
An answer to the long open question, whether the Wadi Howar really is ending at
Djebel Rahib, as shown on all maps, or whether
there exists a connection with the Nile,
was nearly at the same time inferred from satellite pictures
(Meissner - Schmitz 1983)
and confirmed by a B.O.S. expedition which in 1984 followed the wadi bed from
the Nile opposite Old Dongola « upstream, for 400 km till Rahib wells. Since
then evidence from intensive geomorphological investigation
(Pachur - Kropelin 1987;
Kropelin 1993a)
has indicated that during the early and middle Holocene the Wadi
Howar consisted of a continuous chain of wadi sections and permanent pools.
After local rainfall these experienced seasonal flooding resulting into
intermittent river activity and overflows from one sheet of water into the next.
Still around 4000 BP there existed deep fresh water lakes, rich enough to
maintain 17 different species of fish
(Van Neer 1989,
63)
providing an explanation for the archaeological wealth of the area even at this
late date.
The Egyptian Background
Before we can try to sketch some lines of the ceramic
development in
In the following Middle Ceramic phase of
the 7th, and 6th. millennium BC we find shortly after the onset of this period after
7800 BP well made, Khartoum related pottery as far North as Abu Ballas
associated at Mudpans 85/56 with zoological and botanical remains that indicate a
corresponding Sahelian environment
(Kuper 1993).
Together with this some undecorated sherds with carved rims are found
(Fig. 4, 1.2),
unknown from « classical »
During that period environmental conditions in the
Northern and
The
Early and
Middle Ceramic (before 5 000 BC = 6 000 BP)
In contrary to the Egyptian part of the
desert the chronological table shows a remarkable dearth of data for the early
Holocene in the
The situation changes during Middle
Ceramic times after 7 000 BP when Khartoum related pottery occurs in several
sites from the Wadi Howar through the Selima Sandsheet up to Abu Ballas. In the
Selima Sandsheet widespread settlement activities could be detected
(Schuck
1993) which demonstrate that this today most
barren part of the desert was not only used as a passage area. Extended sites
such as Burg et Tuyur 85/78 and 79
(Idris 1994a)
show that favourable places like longer standing ponds attracted repeated
seasonal visits and most probably even for some time a continuous settlement.
This is confirmed by indications of a vegetation, rich enough to satisfy rhino
and giant buffalo at Westend 85/80
(Van Neer - Uerpmann 1989, 329) and by the so far
only remains of domestic animals, some bones of sheep/goat from a pit at Burg et
Tuyur 85/73 dated at 6 030 ± 160 BP (KN 4033), the first indication for a «
Neolithic,, Middle Ceramic in this region.
Late Ceramic
(5000-3000 BC
= 6000-4300 BP)
In the Laqiya Area and the Selima
Sandsheet the beginning of this stage seems to be marked by the occurrence of a
hard, relatively thin walled and well burnished or even polished ware. Its
technical standard corresponds to the quality of the late pottery from Gilf
Kebir which is also represented by some sherds with the characteristic herringbone
ornament (Fig.
5, 4). Mainly, however,
decoration is limited to the fine carved rim (Figs.
4, 11;
5, 1-3.5-7),
a feature paralleling
sites in southern Egypt as mentioned above and dated some hundred years earlier.
On the other side this kind of decoration is matched also by some sherds from
Abka (e.g.
Nordstrom 1972, Pl. 141, 1-2), a view which is
moreover confirmed by elements of the stone industry.
According to the sparse radiocarbon dates from VVadi Howar, at the same time
further south wavyline pottery was still in use.
Stratigraphic evidence for this comes from one of the so called parabolic dunes
east of Djebel Rahib
(Gabriel
et
al.
1985;
Kropelin 1993a, 85
ff.), where at Conical Hill 84/24 this type of
pottery is dated to about
5800 BP. It is followed within
this sequence around 5000 BP by a predominantly criss-cross pattern that further
north has been defined as Laqiya Type
(Kuper 1986a, Fig. 4
; Schuck 1989, Fig. 2,
7-12), but appears also at several sites in Wadi
Howar
(Richter 1989).
Its fabric and some elements of decoration clearly recall
The Laqiya intermezzo in Wadi Shaw may
perhaps have lasted only a short time, since after 5000 BP Wadi Howar and the
Laqiya Area are going differing ways. While in the South the more east-west
oriented Leiterband development starts, dated on top of
the dune stratigraphy 84/24 to 4 600 BP (Keding
1993 and this conference), Wadi Shaw and Wadi
Sahal are occupied by people with a completely different pottery, who settled in
parts on hill tops and owned long horned cattle
(Van Neer- Uerpmann 1989, 331). The ceramic
material
(Fig.
6,
Cziesla
1986; Schuck 1988,
Abb. 2. 1-6) comprises black mouthed ware, sherds
with a red polished or rippled surface, rare painted designs, milled rims and a
rocker-stamp pattern, made by spatula or comb impressions and sometimes polished
only afterwards. For all of these features parallels exist among the material of
the Nubian A-Group (cf.
Nordstrom 1972, Pl. 161-181). But also looking
into the other direction several of these elements are to be detected.
Especially the fine comb-made herring bone ornament and its variants can be
traced back to the Gilf Kebir, where they appear nearly 1 000 years earlier.
Their way through the Selima Sandsheet is accompanied by other artefacts, like
the specific grinding stone of
Gilf
type
(Kuper 1993, Fig. 6),
that obviously in the Laqiya area was in use also later on, and in addition
confirmed by a comparative study of stone knapping techniques between Wadi el
Akhdar and Wadi Shaw site 83/120
.
The
Peridynastie
(after 3 000 BC = 4 300 BP)
Parallel to the beginning of the
dynastic period in
In
Wadi Howar there is only little evidence for contacts with Wadi Shaw during that
time, except for some adzes of Darfur type
(Kuper 1986a, Fig. 3),
which have their main distribution in the South. Towards the end of the
Leiterband development ceramic sites, though still rich, seem to be
concentrated at certain, ecologically favoured places
(Richter
1989).
The succeeding fairly heterogenous groups, comprising to a large extent
fibre tempered pottery and geometrical ornaments,
have not yet been studied in detail and radiocarbon dates are lacking so far.
Nevertheless there is evidence for a continuous role of the Wadi Howar as a
communication route between the
Conclusion
Summarizing this short overview one has
again to stress the general weakness of our data base. It is surely to be
expected, that further analysis of the existing material together with new
evidence from the field perhaps supplying completely unknown archaeological
units may soon lead to a revision of the following scenario.
With the onset of the Holocene rains
shortly after 10 000 BP people from outside resettled the
Corresponding to the retreat of the
Sudanic environment from western Eavpt around 6000 BP the plain pottery was
extending its distribution southward (Fig. 2). At the beginning of the Late
Ceramic it appeared with the significant technical features of that phase as
far south as Wadi Shaw. There certain affinities to the Abkan can be noted, but
the direction of influence remains a matter of guess-work. Along the
Thereafter Wadi Howar and Laqiya area
have
witnessed a different evolution: in Wadi Shaw and Wadi Sahal
A-Group-related pottery became common, comprising elements which suggest at
least some of its roots in the Gilf Kebir area. At the same time
in Wadi Howar
- according to the results from Djabarona - the Leiterband sequence, that
apparently has developed from
Notes
I . Referring to
the traditional name of the larger geographical unit as to the
..
2. This also has to show to what extent the Gilf industries reflect local rather than more general cultural developments. In view of the actual state of our knowledge it can certainly not be regarded as a point from where the whole Late Neolithic of Northeastern Africa can be assessed and even regionally subdivided, especially if the basis for this are only single elements that, moreover, are characterized not only as technologically and culturally different and geographically separated, but also as not contemporaneous !
3. There seems to be an uncertainty
concerning the dates from Wadi Howar which nearly exclusively come from bones.
At several other sites, where bones have been dated parallel to charcoal or
ostrich eggshell from the same context, they - also if corrected for C13 -
turned out to be about 300 vears too young. Perhaps this factor has to be taken
into account also for the Wadi Howar dates.
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